Wednesday 26 February 2014

Nepal Economic Summit 2014

   नेपाल आर्थिक सम्मेलन सम्पन्न, ९ बुँदे घोषणापत्र जारी (पूर्ण विवरण )

Nepal Economic Summit 2014

Declaration – a commitment to Economic Reform

Upholding the values of a democratic nation dedicated to the creation of inclusive and broad based economic growth,
Recognizing the need for creating an economic system that enables the private sector to grow and create wealth,
Sharing the common vision of graduating from ‘Least Developed Country’ status by 2022, of enabling economic growth to create better opportunities for employment in Nepal,
We, the representatives of, Government of Nepal, private sector, development partners and civil society have joined hands and deliberated on Nepal’s Economic Reform Agenda on 24th, 25th and 26th of February, 2014.
Learning from the experiences shared by panel of international experts on economic reform conducted by various countries around the globe,
Adhering to the principles of creating a level playing field for market participants,
Distinguishing agriculture, tourism and energy as the priority sectors for Nepal’s Economic Reform, hereby declare that,
We will work together to realize the following overall and sectoral reforms in 2014:

Overall Reform Agenda

1.      In order to create a shared vision and create an environment of policy stability that is crucial for attracting investment, we propose to get this declaration be a basis for ‘minimum common economic agenda’ of Nepal.
2.      In order to improve the overall investment environment, we will prioritize entry/exit procedural reforms and eliminate regulatory processes that add to the cost of doing business and do not add value to the regulatory information gathering process specifically in the sectors of agriculture, tourism and energy.
3.      In order to create at least 50,000 additional jobs by the private sector in the areas related to agriculture, energy and tourism of Nepal by 2015 and gather capital for large scale projects in agriculture, energy and tourism, we will identify and work with local and global investors to execute at least 4 different large scale projects in each sector.
4.      In order to accelerate the process of reforms, we will work to table draft legislations related to the economy including Energy, Agriculture and Tourism at the legislature and work on getting them passed with required adjustments and updates. We will work on adopting the Energy Development Strategy, Tourism Development Strategy and Agriculture Development Strategy within the next six months with appropriate action plans for respective stakeholder agencies.
5.      In order to bring in the second generation reforms that will enable private sector led growth, we will create a high level mechanism including members from the civil service and the private sector to identify regulatory burdens and propose solutions such that we can move up 10 places in the ‘Doing Business Rank’ by 2016. The report will be produced by the end of 2014 and we will work on the reforms proposed by such mechanism for the next two years to achieve our goal by 2016. Inter-agency coordination between various government agencies will be crucial for these reforms. Therefore, in order to carry forward the recommendations made by the High Level Committee, an Implementation Monitoring Committee comprised of the Secretaries of the concerned Ministries will be formed under the Chairmanship of the Chief Secretary of the Government of Nepal.
6.      In order to strengthen public institutions, improve the service delivery and facilitate the businesses institutional reforms will be started immediately.   

Sectoral Reform Agenda

Agriculture reform agenda

7.      In order to facilitate economies of scale and thereby providing incentive for private sector participation and ensuring food and nutrition security in the country by increasing production and productivity, we will review the existing land management systems and bring about regulatory framework that allows for contract farming and effective utilization of land. In terms of using land effectively, priority will be given to projects that adopt a value chain approach and help reach out a wide network of beneficiaries in the form of small farmers.
8.      In order to facilitate the commercialization of agriculture, we will assess existing policies and programs on their effectiveness in terms of costs and reach to the targeted beneficiaries. In doing so, we will work on improving mechanisms such that they do not distort the market dynamics but create a level playing field. One such measure of increasing effectiveness may be voucher schemes that target end recipients while creating a space for private sector participation. High priority will be given to review of programs, policies and regulatory framework in agricultural inputs and produce market.
9.      In order to encourage private sector investment in agriculture, we will work for increasing public spending in agricultural infrastructure development including but not limited to irrigation, agriculture roads, warehouse and storage facilities, local market centers and research and extension targeted to commercial agriculture. While developing these infrastructures, priority will be given to public private partnership. Public spending in research of commercial agriculture will be increased and private sector participation in extension services for commercial agriculture will be facilitated. Specific expenditure on agriculture infrastructure, research and extension for commercial agriculture will be made public in the upcoming budgets.
10.  In order to develop human resource capacity needed for commercialized agriculture, we will work on increasing public spending and enabling private sector investment in technical, vocational and academic education related to the demands of a commercialized agriculture market. These will translate to specific short term and long term training programs, additional educational institutions providing agricultural studies in their curricula and a review and adjustment of the existing agriculture curricula to meet the future demands of a commercialized agriculture sector. To this end, we will work on adding adequate additional technically trained human resource through public spending targeting youth. We will encourage more institutions to run agricultural courses in the days ahead.
11.  In order to increase investment of private sector in commercial agriculture, we will work on developing and implementing incentive mechanism for high value products where Nepal can have a competitive advantage.

Energy reform agenda

12.  In order to resolve the immediate gap of electricity demand and supply and encourage efficient use of energy, demand side management will be given priority. Following Nepal’s commitment to climate change conventions, specific incentive and packages will be developed and offered to industries that practice energy efficient processes and technology including industries that practice cogeneration. We will introduce these incentive packages in the upcoming budget of fiscal year 2015/16.
13.  In order to encourage innovation in energy supply and increase in private sector participation in this sector, we will work on setting up an independent power trading company. The independent power trading company will provide a platform for trading energy between individual consumers and suppliers thereby reducing the fiscal burden of Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA). This kind of power trading company will require open access to existing transmission lines. Therefore, we will work on introducing ‘open access’ on existing transmission lines to the extent possible with a ‘wheeling charge’ to use these facilities. In addition, we will work on expanding transmission lines internally to help connect projects that are in the pipeline. All forms of energy suppliers including hydropower and solar power will be invited to participate in this power trading arrangement. This will also increase grid connectivity and contribution to national power structure by renewable sources such as solar energy. Construction of cross border transmission lines and framework for cross border power trade will also be accorded due priority to help increased exchange of power between Nepal and India.
14.  We will expedite the passage of electricity related legislations in the legislature while incorporating the suggestions from concerned stakeholders that will provide conducive regulatory framework for the private sector to invest in the sector.
15.  In order to increase private sector participation in efficient biomass energy production, existing incentive schemes will be revised to make them technology neutral. Incentive schemes will target end users while facilitating innovation in technology development of plants such as biogas plants and improved cooking stoves. This will help diversify current reliance on traditional sources of firewood and animal dung to sustainable sources such as biogas.

Tourism reform agenda

16.  In order to increase private sector investment in tourism, we will work towards developing both tourism infrastructures where our performance lags behind significantly at the moment. We will specifically focus on up-gradation of Tribhuwan International Airport, construction of regional airports in Lumbini, Nijgadh and Pokhara. For the airport construction and operation, we will invite private sector participation by adopting the public private partnership model. These airports construction will be announced in the upcoming budget and private sector will be invited through open bids to participate in their construction and management. We will work on inviting the private sector through open bids for better management of services at Tribhuwan International Airport.
17.  As air safety has become a major issue in the tourism sector, we will work on improving air safety through regulations and upgrading infrastructural facilities at existing airports. Specific programs on air safety will also be announced in the upcoming budget.
18.  In order to promote conservation and expand tourism products with private sector involvement, we will work on developing a favorable framework for tourism development that complements not only conservation and bio-diversity but also allows us to earn revenue to make the conservation sustainable. This kind of framework will define specific rules and regulations under which we can invite private sector can participate in developing high value tourism products in the conservation areas. In developing such kind of framework, learning from experiences of countries that have already used this mechanism in tourism promotion will be used.
19.  In order to increase our tourism receipts from the current 36 USD per capita to 60 USD per capita through expansion of products and services, we will work on choosing five strategic locations to develop them as tourist destinations by the end of 2016. In choosing these locations, we will work extensively on strategic studies that assess the market viability of these locations. We will ensure the inclusion of Lumbini, Janakpur, and three locations from far east and far west region in these five locations. Given our proximity to India and China and the increase in outbound tourists from these countries, we will target tourism development to this particular market segment. We will then work on framing targeted strategies for infrastructure development and market promotion of these destinations.We will also ensure the inclusion of existing sites that are vying for United Nations Heritage status in this expansion process and develop infrastructure to facilitate the process of acquiring UN Heritage status. We will adopt a value chain approach to the development of these destinations and ensure community involvement to enlarge the beneficiary group that results from this expansion.
Reiterating our commitment to economic reforms in Nepal, we hereby declare to institutionalize the Nepal Economic Summit as an annual event to be jointly organized by, the Government of Nepal and Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI). The agenda set by the Summit will be taken forward by the Government and the private sector through joint forums like the Nepal Business Forum (NBF). We will also jointly organize Nepal Business Conclave as a medium to promote investment in the Nepalese economy.
Done on the 26th day of February of the year 2014 of the Gregorian calendar in Kathmandu, Nepal.

New air service agreement with China


 KATHMANDU, FEB 24 - Nepal and China signed a revised bilateral air services agreement (ASA) on Monday, permitting the operation of 56 flights per week with any types of aircraft on a reciprocal basis. Under the old ASA, Chinese airlines were allowed to operate 14 flights per week.
Moreover, under the revised pact, an additional seven flights per week will be added annually to 70 flights per week by 2016. "The ASA will be revised if one of the two countries feels the need for more than 70 flights a week," said Suresh Acharya, joint-secretary at the Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation.
The revised agreement has given unlimited traffic rights for cargo-only flights with any types of aircraft. It has also permitted bi-lateral and third-party code-sharing by carriers of the two countries.
Meanwhile, China has allocated Nepali carriers with a new point, Xian, one of the oldest cities in China, with more than 3,100 years of history. With this new point, Nepali carriers are permitted to fly into seven different points in China-Chengdu, Lhasa, Beijing, Kunming, Shanghai and Guangzhou.
At present, three Chinese airlines-Air China, China Eastern and China Southern-operate scheduled flights to Nepal. China Southern links Kathmandu to Guangzhou, while China Eastern and Air China fly to Kathmandu from Kunming and Lhasa, respectively. "China also agreed to remove the restriction for Nepali carriers to operate in Lhasa. Lhasa will be opened to Nepali carriers anytime if they wish to connect one of the highest cities in the world," said Acharya.
Kathmandu-Lhasa is one of the most expensive routes in the world as one-way airfare stands at $450. Lhasa is connected from a few cities of China, while from outside China, it is only connected from Kathmandu.
China has also "firmly" approved the access of new Trans-Himalaya 1 (Bangkok-Kolkata-Nepalgunj-Indek in Pakistan), 2 and 3 airspaces for international air traffic. Nepal had proposed the three air routes at different meetings of the International Civil Aviation Organisation and other forums.
Among them, the most beneficial route is the Trans-Himalaya 2, and it is the one which required much effort by Nepal to bring India and China into agreement. The International Air Transport Association (IATA) has kept the Himalaya 2 airspace as a future requirement.
Implementation of this airspace will allow international airlines to fly in the Nepali airspace, which means savings in fuel and distance for carriers flying this route and revenue for Nepal. China has published these routes in its aeronautical information publication.
"The Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal (CAAN) and the Civil Aviation Administration of China (CAAC) are scheduled to sign a letter of intent for the development of these three airspaces soon," Acharya said.
However, on Nepal's request on allowing "circle navigation flights" for Nepali helicopters to Kailash-Mansarovar in Tibet, the Chinese side has said it will consider the proposal after holding discussions with the concerned Chinese authorities, Nepali government officials said.
Meanwhile, China's Sichuan Airlines has expressed interest in connecting Nepal in the near future.
Tourism Ministry Secretary Sushil Ghimire and CAAC's Deputy Administrator Xia Xinghua signed the revised ASA on behalf of their respective governments. "With the agreement, our relation with China has strengthened further in the aviation sector," said Ghimire.
The two countries had signed the first ASA in 2003 and Air China opened a direct air link between China and Nepal in 2004. Three Chinese carriers connecting Kathmandu flew 132,326 travellers in the first nine months of 2013-up 30.81 percent year-on-year.(Xinhua)


Updated: 2014-02-25 09:55

KATHMANDU - The much awaited revision of bilateral air service agreement (ASA) between Nepal and China has finally been concluded on Monday evening with delegates from both countries signing a new agreement, officials said.
As per the new agreement, both countries can run a total of 56 direct flights to each others' land a week, up from the previous 14 flights.
The agreement signed by Sushil Ghimire, secretary of Nepal's Ministry for Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation (MoCTCA) and Xia Xinghua, deputy administrator of Civil Aviation Administration of China (CAAC) also said that direct flights between Nepal and China will automatically be increased to 63 a week in 2015 and 70 a week in 2016.
"This way seven direct flights per week can be added every year till 2016 on reciprocal basis," Suresh Acharya, joint secretary at MoCTCA, told Xinhua, adding "even if any of the countries need more flights after 2016, similar revision can be made upon the ASA. "
Nepal and China had first signed the ASA in 2003, following which Air China opened its direct flight operation to Kathmandu in 2004.
Monday's ASA revision agreement has also offered unlimited opportunities in terms of cargo flights for both nations.
Acharya said the agreement has also opened a way for code sharing arrangement between the airlines of Nepal and China.
Nepali officials who participated in the signing ceremony said the Chinese side has also agreed to add one destination -- Xi'an city in northwest China -- for Nepali airlines. So far, Nepali carriers are allowed to run direct flights to seven Chinese destinations, including Lhasa, Beijing, Kunming, Guangzhou, Shanghai, Chengdu and Xi'an.
During the meeting, the Chinese delegates informed their Nepali counterparts that a new airlines company, Sichuan Airlines, was willing to operate a direct flight to Nepal. "As per the Chinese delegates, Sichuan Airlines will soon begin its commercial operation in Nepal," said an official at Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal (CAAN) who was also in the ceremony.
Currently, three Chinese carriers including Air China, China Southern and China Eastern are running direct flights to Kathmandu 's Tribhuvan International Airport (TIA).
Meanwhile, the Chinese side also has agreed to provide Nepal with necessary support to promote its aviation sector including infrastructure, logistics and training.
Stakeholders believe the revision of ASA between Nepal and its northern neighbor will help promote Nepal's tourism sector, given the increasing frequency and number of Chinese tourists visiting abroad.

पश्चिमी देश जातिवादी, भारत क्षेत्रीयतावादी

पश्चिमी साम्राज्यवादी देशहरू र उनीहरूद्वारा सहायता प्राप्त एन.जी.ओ., आई.एन.जी.ओ. आदिले जातिवादी र भारतीय विस्तारवादले क्षेत्रीयतावादी प्रकारको संविधान बनाउन संविधान सभा वा सरकारमा भएका राजनैतिक शक्ति वा सरकारमाथि पूरा दवाव दिनेछन् ।

-मोहनविक्रम सिंह-

अहिले संविधान सभाका अगाडि संविधानको निर्माणको गम्भीर जिम्मेवारी छ । पहिलो संविधान सभाको संविधानको निर्माण नगरिकन विघटन भयो । अहिले पनि राजनैतिक दलहरूको गतिविधिमाथि विचार गर्दा मुख्यतः उनीहरूले संविधानको निर्माणमाभन्दा दलीय स्वार्थ, व्यक्तिगत महत्वाकाङ्क्षा वा गुटबन्दीलाई बढी प्राथमिकता र त्यस आधारमा नै उनीहरूका बीचमा विवाद र कतिपय अवस्थामा सिद्धान्तहीन र अराजनैतिक प्रकारका झगडाहरू पनि चल्ने गरेको कुरामाथि विचार गर्दा दोस्रो संविधान सभाको पनि पहिलो संविधान सभाको जस्तै गती हुने त होइन ? त्यो सम्भावनालाई पनि पूरै अस्वीकार गर्न सकिन्न । त्यो अवस्थामा दोस्रो संविधान सभा पहिलो संविधान सभा जस्तै संविधानको निर्माण गर्न असफल नहोस् भन्नका लागि चौतर्फी रूपमा जनदवावको सिर्जना गर्नु पर्ने आवश्यकता छ । तर यो लेखमा हामीले मुख्य रूपले सामान्य रूपले संविधानको निर्माण होइन, त्यसले कुन प्रकारको संविधानको निर्माण गर्नु पर्दछ ? त्यसबारे नै विचार गरिनेछ ।
संविधान सभामा राष्ट्रिय जनमोर्चा एक्लै सङ्घीयताका विरूद्ध उभिएको छ । जबकि अन्य सबै राजनैतिक पार्टी वा सङ्गठनहरू सङ्घीयताका पक्षमा छन् । त्यो अवस्थामा अन्य सबै राजनैतिक शक्तिहरूले सङ्घीय संविधान बनाउन नै प्रयत्न गर्ने कुरा प्रष्ट छ । त्यस सन्दर्भमा प्रारम्भमा नै हामीले के कुरा स्पष्ट गर्न चाहन्छौँ—त्यो कुरा हामीले पहिले पनि स्पष्ट गर्दै आएका छौँ, गणतन्त्रलाई संस्थागत गर्ने कार्य र सङ्घीयताको विरोधमध्ये पहिलो कुरालाई प्राथमिकता दिन्छौँ । कतिपय पक्षहरूले बरू संविधान नबनोस् र गणतन्त्रलाई संस्थागत गर्ने कार्य नहोस्, तर सङ्घीय प्रकारको संविधान नबनोस् भन्ने विचार पनि प्रकट गरेको पाइन्छ । तर हामी त्यस प्रकारको विचारको पक्षमा छैनौँ । ती दुई वटा कुराहरूमध्ये, अर्थात्, संविधान नै नबन्ने र गणतन्त्र कायम नहुने वा सङ्घीयता सहितको गणतन्त्र कायम हुनेमध्ये एउटाको चुनाव गर्नु पर्ने अवस्था उत्पन्न भएमा हामीले दोस्रोलाई चुन्नेछौँ—सङ्घीयता सहितको लोकतान्त्रिक संविधान र गणतन्त्रलाई चुन्नेछौँ । यद्यपि त्यसका साथै सङ्घीयतका विरूद्ध संविधान सभाभित्र र बाहिर पनि हाम्रो लगातार सङ्घर्ष चलिरहनेछ । एक पल्ट सङ्घीय प्रकारको संविधान बने पनि जनचेतना र जनआन्दोलनका आधारमा त्यसलाई संशोधन गर्न सकिनेछ । तर गणतन्त्र नै असफल भयो वा राजतन्त्रको पुनस्र्थापना भयो भने देश प्रतिगमनतिर जानेछ । राजतन्त्रलाई खतम पार्न लामो सङ्घर्ष गर्नु पर्नेछ । त्यसकारण बरू लोकतान्त्रिक संविधान नबनोस्, तर सङ्घीयता सहितको संविधान नबनोस्—त्यस प्रकारको सोचाइलाई हामीले गलत मान्दछौँ ।
संविधान सभामा राष्ट्रिय जनमोर्चा वाहेक अन्य सबै राजनैतिक शक्तिहरू सङ्घीयताको पक्षमा भएकाले अहिले बन्ने संविधानमा सङ्घीयतालाई नै खारेज गर्नु मुश्किल छ । तर गत चुनावका सन्दर्भमा हाम्रो पार्टीद्वारा जारी गरिएको अपिलमा एमामाओवादीको नेतृत्वमा बनेको जातिवादी र क्षेत्रीयतावादी गठबन्धनलाई दुई–तिहाइ वा वहुमत प्राप्त गर्न नदिने आवश्यकतामा विशेष जोड दिइएको थियो । यो हाम्रा लागि प्रसन्नताको कुरा हो कि संविधान सभाको चुनावमा त्यस अनुसार नै जनादेश प्राप्त भएको छ । जनताले जातिवाद र क्षेत्रीयतावादका विरूद्ध स्पष्ट रूपले जनादेश दिएका छन् र एमाओवादी सहित जातिवादी र क्षेत्रीयतावादीहरू चुनावमा नराम्ररी पराजित भएका छन् । देशमा जातिवाद र क्षेत्रीयतावादका विरूद्धको सङ्घर्षमा हाम्रो पार्टीको नै नेतृत्वदायी, अग्रिम र मुख्य भूमिका रहेको छ । त्यसकारण एमाओवादी सहित जातिवादी र क्षेत्रीयतावादीहरूको पराजय हाम्रो पार्टीको महŒवपूर्ण विजय हो । निश्चय नै त्यो विजयका वावजुद सङ्घीयताका विरूद्ध त्यस प्रकारको विजय प्राप्त गर्न हामीले अझै लामो र कडा सङ्घर्ष गर्नु पर्ने आवश्यकता पर्नेछ । जे होस्, तत्काल जातिवाद र क्षेत्रीयतावादका विरूद्ध प्राप्त उपलब्धीलाई संस्थागत गर्न नै मुख्य जोड दिनु पर्दछ । नेपालमा एमाओवादी सहित जातिवादी र क्षेत्रीयतावादीहरूले जातिवाद र क्षेत्रीयतावादका आधारमा नै सङ्घीयतालाई संस्थागत गर्न जोड लगाइरहेका छन् । उनीहरूको सङ्घीयताको प्रधान र निर्णयात्मक पक्ष त्यही नै हो । यदि जातिवादी र क्षेत्रीयतावादी प्रकारको संविधान बनाउने उनीहरूको उद्देश्य असफल हुन्छ भने पनि त्यसबाट सङ्घीयताको ढाड भाँचिने छ । त्यो अवस्थामा सङ्घीयताविरूद्धको एउटा महŒवपूर्ण सफलता हुनेछ ।
तर जनताले जातिवाद र क्षेत्रीयतावादका विरूद्ध स्पष्ट जनादेश दिएको भए पनि त्यो जनादेशलाई संस्थागत गर्न त्यति सजिलो छैन । खास गरेर प्रथम, चुनावमा पराजित भएका भए पनि एमाओवादीको नेतृŒवमा जातिवादी र क्षेत्रीयतावादीहरूले जातिवादी वा क्षेत्रीयतावादी प्रकारको संविधानको निर्माणका लागि योजनावद्ध प्रकारले र लगातार दवाव दिने वा षडयन्त्र गर्ने काम गरिरहनेछन् । द्वितीय, अहिले जातिवाद र क्षेत्रीयतावादका विरूद्धको जनमतका कारणले वहुमतमा आएका राजनैतिक शक्तिहरू, मुख्यतः एमाले र ने.का. हरूको ढुमलुल, अवसरवादी र स्वयं जातिवाद र क्षेत्रीयतावादका प्रश्नहरूमा नै सम्झौतापरस्त नीतिका कारणले पनि जातिवादी वा क्षेत्रीयतावादी प्रकारको संविधान बन्ने सम्भावनालाई अस्वीकार गर्न सकिन्न । तृतीय, पश्चिमी साम्राज्यवादी देशहरू र उनीहरूद्वारा सहायता प्राप्त एन.जी.ओ., आई.एन.जी.ओ. आदिले जातिवादी र भारतीय विस्तारवादले क्षेत्रीयतावादी प्रकारको संविधान बनाउन संविधान सभा वा सरकारमा भएका राजनैतिक शक्ति वा सरकारमाथि पूरा दवाव दिनेछन् । उक्त कारणहरूले गर्दा जनादेशका विरूद्ध जातिवादी वा क्षेत्रीयतावादी प्रकारको संविधान बन्ने सम्भावनालाई पूरै अस्वीकार गर्न सकिन्न ।
विश्वको र नेपालको पनि इतिहासले वारम्वार यो स्पस्ट गर्दै आएको छ कि कुनै खास देशमा, इतिहासका कुनै कालखण्डमा प्राप्त सफलता स्वतः स्थायी हुँदैन र त्यसले पुनः विपरीत दिशा लिने सम्भावना रहन्छ । इङ्ग्ल्याण्डको प्रजातान्त्रिक आन्दोलन वा फ्रान्सको गणतन्त्रको सङ्घर्षमा कैयौँ उचारचढाव भएका वा कैयौँ पल्ट प्राप्त असफलताहरू पुनः समाप्त भएका कैयौँ उदाहरणहरू हाम्रा अगाडि छन् । सोभियत सङ्घ सहित कैयौँ देशहरूमा समाजवादी क्रान्तिहरूका सफलता लामो समयसम्म त्यहाँ समाजवादी व्यवस्था कायम हुनुका वावजुद त्यहाँ पुनः पुँजीवादको पुनस्र्थापना भयो । नेपालमा पनि २००७ सालको निरङ्कुश राणा शासनको अन्त र संसदीय प्रणालीको स्थापना, २०४६ सालमा वहुदलीय व्यवस्थाको पुनस्र्थापनाका वावजुद पुनः निरङ्कुश राजतन्त्रको स्थापना समेतका उदाहरणहरूमाथि विचार गर्दा अहिलेको चुनावमा जातिवाद र क्षेत्रीयतावादका विरूद्धको स्पष्ट जनादेशका वावजुद त्यो जनादेश अनुसार नै संविधान बन्नेछ भन्ने कुरामा हामी ढुक्क बन्न सक्दैनौँ । खालि जातिवाद र क्षेत्रीयतावादका विरूद्ध उभिएका राजनैतिक शक्तिहरूको सचेत र दृढ प्रयत्न र जनताको उच्च स्तरको सतर्कता वा व्यापक र शक्तिशाली जनदवावका आधारमा नै जातिवादी र क्षेत्रीयतावादी प्रकारको संविधान बनाउने प्रयत्नहरूलाई असफल पारेर लोकतान्त्रिक संविधानको निर्माण हुन सक्नेछ र निर्माण गर्नु पर्दछ ।

Sunday 23 February 2014

कहाँ गायब भयो पशुपतिनाथको पारशमणि ?

पशुपतिको गर्भगृह (जसको चाबी मूलभट्टसँग हुन्छ)बाट हराएको पारशमणिको खोजी अहिलेसम्म भएको छैन ।

गोरखनाथ मन्दिरको गजुर लड्न लागेको छ । पूजासामग्री अभावका कारण पूजा पनि नियमीत हुन सकेको छैन ।



काठमाडौं । २०६५ सालमा एमाओवादीका अध्यक्ष प्रचण्ड प्रधानमन्त्री हुँदा श्री पशुपतिनाथ मन्दिरका मूलभट्ट बलात् हटाइए, त्यो भन्दा ठूलो घटना त्यही समयमा मन्दिरका बहुमूल्य बस्तु चोरी भयो ।
त्यो संयोग मात्र थियो वा अरु केही, स्पष्ट भएको छैन तर मन्दिरबाट पारशमणि, एकमुखे रुद्राक्ष, भगवानको पूर्वदिशातिरको फुटेको औँला गायव भयो । 
बहुमूल्य  पारशमणि चीन पुर्याइएको छ ।
तत्कालीन राजा महेन्द्रका सम्वाद सचिव विष्णु आचार्यले चढाएको गौरीशंकर रुद्राक्ष पनि अहिलेसम्म भेटिएको छैन । लिच्छविकालिन राधाकृणको सूनको मूर्ति पनि २०५३ सालदेखि हराइरहेको छ ।
पारशमणि यस्तो बहुमूल्य बस्तु हो कि हरेश शिवरात्रीमा पशुपति मन्दिरको दर्शन गराउनुपर्छ । पशुपतिको गर्भगृह (जसको चाबी मूलभट्टसँग मात्रै हुन्छ)बाट हराएको पारशमणिको खोजी अहिलेसम्म भएको छैन ।
विक्रम संवत ८५५ सालतिरको ताडपत्र पनि कहाँ छ भन्ने अहिले यकिन छैन । पशुपतिनाथको पूजासमबन्धी विधि समेटिएको हुन्छ ताडपत्रमा । त्यो पनि भएनभएको यकिन छैन ।
पशुपतिनाथमा कपाली र काली गार्यको दुध र वाग्मतीको सफा पानीले दैनिक स्नान गराउनुपर्छ । तर हिजोआजा बोरिङको पानीले स्नान गराइँदै आएको छ ।
पशुपतिनाथ मन्दिरको पूर्वपट्टिको ढोका असुरक्षा भन्दै बन्द गराइएको पाँच बर्ष भयो । तर यो बन्द गर्न मिल्दैन । एमाओवादीका कारण विगतमा असुरक्षा रहे पनि अहिले पशुपतिमा असुरक्षा छैन ।
पशुपति मन्दिरका अरु धेरै बहुमूल्य बस्तु हराएका छन् जसको खोजी कसले गर्ने, अत्तोपत्तो छैन । तत्कालीन मूलभट्ट रावल पद्मनाथ शास्त्रीले पशुपतिका धेरै बहुमूल्य सामान दक्षिण भारतको मद्रास पु¥याए जहाँ उनले पशुपतिकृपा नामको घर नै बनाएका छन् । राजा वीरेन्द्रका पालाका मूलभट्ट शास्त्री रानी ऐश्वर्यलाई गाली गरेको अभियोगमा हटाइए ।
पशुपतिका मूलभट्ट १० वटा महाविद्यामा पारंगत हुनुपर्छ, शरीरमा खत हुनु नहुने, जीवनभर माछामासु नखाएको हुनुपर्ने हुन्छ । तर यो क्राइटेरिया पूरा भएका मूलभट्ट अहिले छैनन् ।

गोरखनाथलाई हेला

पशुपतिनाथका पनि गुरु मानिन्छन् गुरु गोरखनाथ । बाग्मती नदीबाट २०० फिट माथि मृगस्थलीमा गोरखनाथको मन्दिर  छ । तर अहिले त्यो स्थानको विजोग छ । गोरखनाथको घर कब्जा गरेर बाहिरी मान्छेहरु बसिरहेका छन् ।
गोरखनाथका एक अंश मानिन्छन् योगी नरहरिनाथ । उनको देहावसान भएको धेरै भएको छ । नरहरिनाथका सरसामान, किताब पनि संरक्षित छैन । तत्कालीन प्रधानमन्त्री मरिचमान सिंह श्रेष्ठको पालादेखि बसेकी तिमिला श्रेष्ठ (जो नरहरिनाथकी शिष्य हुन्)को कब्जामा छ नरहरिनाथका सबै सामान । सरकारले संरक्षण गर्नुपर्नेमा चासो दिएको छैन ।
योगी नरहरिनाथको समाधीस्थल खुल्ला छ, छाता ओढाएर राख्नुपर्नेमा तयो छैन ।
गोरखनाथ मन्दिरको गजुर लड्न लागेको छ । पूजासामग्री अभावका कारण पूजा पनि नियमीत हुन सकेको छैन ।
गोरखनाथ कुवाको संरक्षण छैन । यो कुवा कति बहुमूल्य छ भन्ने कुराको हेतु भएर वा हेलचेक्र्याईँ गरेर हो, थाहा छैन ।
गोरखनाथले त्रिशुल गाडेर पानी निकालेको ठाउँ हो गोरखकुवा । त्यो कुवाको पानी यति बहुउपयोगी हुन्छ कि तपाईँको घरमा लगेर छर्किदिने हो भने रोगव्याधी लाग्दैन, बोल्न नसकेकाहरु बोल्छन् । कुनै भुतप्रेतादीले सताउँदैन ।
एकपटक नरहरिनाथजीले नयाँ दिल्लीबाट आएका एकजना व्यापारीलाई गोरखनाथ कुवाको पानी पठाएका थिए । ती व्यापारीको छोराको विमार निको भयो । जबकि ती व्यापारीले छोराको उपचारका लागि करोडौँ खर्च गरिसकेका थिए र छोराको जीवनको आश नै मारिसकेका थिए ।
हरेक १२ बर्षमा लाग्ने मकर मेलामा गोरख कुवाको जल चढाउनै पर्ने नियम छ । यो धेरै पुरानो समयदेखि चलिआएको हो ।
अहिले गोरख कुवामा मान्छेहरु जथाभावि लुगा धोइरहेका छन् । त्यसको महत्व बुझिएको छैन, संरक्षण त भएकै छैन ।
गोरखनाथले आसन जमाएको बर पिपलको रुखको पनि संरक्षण भएको छैन । चनाचट्पटे बेच्ने ठाउँमा परिणत भएको छ त्यो स्थान ।
पशुपतिको गोरखनाथ र भारतको गोरखपुर मन्दिरबीच गज्जबको साइनो छ । गोरखपुर पहिला नेपालकै थियो जसको नाम पनि गोरखाकै कारण राखिएको भनिन्छ ।  यहाँ गोरखनाथ मन्दिरमा चढाएको दक्षिणा र पकाएको खिचडी राजाले छोएर गोरखपुर पु¥याउने चलन थियो । राजसंस्था हटेपछि यो चलन बन्द भएको छ ।
यहाँबाट त्रिशुल, तरबार पनि गोरखपुर पठाइन्थ्यो, बन्द भएको छ । सायद गोरखपुरबाट पनि यस्ता चीज आउन बन्द भएको छ ।
गोरखनाथको शक्तिशाली यन्त्र जोडिएको पृथ्वीनारायण शाहको पालाको राजदण्ड राजा वीरेन्द्रको गद्दिआरोहणपछि गायब भएको भनिँदै आएको थियो । तर त्यो अहिले जर्मनीको कुनै संग्रहलायमा फेला परेको छ ।
वीरेन्द्रले गद्दिआरोहण पछि त्यो राजदण्ड बोक्न पाएनन् । उनीपछि राजतन्त्रकै उन्मुलन हुनुका पछाडि योसँग जोडिएका रहस्यका बारेमा पनि व्याख्या धेरै भएको छ । त्यसबारे अर्को सन्दर्भमा उल्लेख गरौँला ।
गोरखनाथको भण्डारा सधैँ चल्नुपर्नेमा अहिले चल्न छाडेको छ ।
काठमाडौंमा गोरखनाथ गुठीका धेरै जग्गा हडप्न थालिएको छ । विशालनगरमा ६ रोपनी जग्गा रहेकोमा अहिले १ रोपनी बाँकी छ, पाँच रोपनी कसैले हडपिसकेको छ ।
विशालनगरको इतिहास रोचक छ । पृथ्वीनारायण शाहले नेपाल एकीकरणका क्रममा काठमाडौंमा पाइलो हाल्दा गोरखनाथ पनि उपत्यका आएका थिए । गोरखनाथले त्रिशुल गाडेर बसेको ठाउँ हो विशालनगर । त्यहाँ नियमीतरुपमा पूजा चलिरहेको छ , त्यो जे जस्तोसुकै अवस्थामा रहोस् ।

Friday 21 February 2014

छिमेक चर्चा : मनमोहन नेपाल आउलान् ?


काठमाडौं । भारतीय सञ्चारमाध्यमहरुले नेपालका बारेमा मसालादार समाचार बनाउँदै आएकोमा एउटा फेरि थपिएको छ । त्यो हो भारतीय प्रधानमन्त्री डा मनमोहन सिंहको नेपाल भ्रमणको मसला । भारतमा निर्वाचन नजिकिइरहेका बेला कंग्रेस आईका नेतासमेत रहेका प्रधानमन्त्री सिंह काठमाडौं आउने चर्चा भारतीय पत्रिका टेलिग्राफले चलाएको छ ।

 प्रधानमन्त्रीबाट रिटायर्ड हुन लागेका सिंहलाई व्यक्तितरुपमा नेपाल आउने रुची पहिलेदेखि नै रहँदै आएको चर्चा नचलेको होइन । तर कलकत्ताबाट निस्कने यो पत्रिकाले भ्रमणका बारेमा उल्लेख गरेको छ । भारतका मूलधारका अन्य अखबारजस्तो नेपाल मामिलामा यो पत्रिकाले पूर्वाग्रह राख्दैन । चारु सुदन कस्तुरीको बाइलाइनमा फेब्रअरी २० मा छापिएको यो समाचार हामीले टेलिग्राफबाट जस्ताको तस्तै साभार गरेर राखेका छौँ । 

Nepal frontrunner for last trip as PM

New Delhi, Feb. 20: Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has told close aides and the foreign office he is keen to visit Nepal for his final bilateral foreign trip in an attempt to plug a key hole in a neighbourhood legacy that has otherwise won admirers in the region, officials have told The Telegraph.
Singh has visited each of India’s immediate neighbours other than Nepal and Pakistan over the past decade as Prime Minister, as part of a policy of engagement even at times when diplomatic tensions were high.
His push for one final trip, this time to Kathmandu, comes at a time that nation has just elected a constituent assembly to draft a Constitution and is at the crossroads, both in its search for enduring democracy and its ties with India.
No Indian Prime Minister has travelled to Nepal for a bilateral state visit for the past 17 years since I.K. Gujral in 1997, although Atal Bihari Vajpayee visited Kathmandu for the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (Saarc) summit in 2001.
Crucially, the nudge from Singh also comes amid the growing likelihood that his desire to visit Pakistan — where he was born in a pre-Partition era — as Prime Minister, articulated publicly in a January media interaction, is likely to remain a dream, the officials said.
“Unlike a trip to Pakistan, which is simply not on the cards now ahead of elections, a trip to Nepal is possible with a new government in place there,” an official said. “But there’s a very small window left for him to travel before the elections.”
Nepal — a strategically critical neighbour for India —elected a second constituent assembly last December. Sushil Koirala of the Nepali Congress was sworn in as Prime Minister earlier this month and had invited Singh to visit Kathmandu.
An earlier constituent assembly was dissolved in 2012 after it failed to draw up a Constitution because of deep political divides, pushing the nation back towards instability that, according to officials, allowed traditionally anti-India groups strategic space.
The new government and the fresh attempt at drafting a democratic Constitution represent an opportunity and a challenge for India. “If we send the right signals, we could strengthen our traditional ties,” a diplomat who has earlier served in Nepal said.
“If we don’t, there are other nations that will willingly fill that void for Nepal,” the diplomat said, referring to China without naming the country.
Nepal remains an oddity in the neighbourhood outreach that has been a focus for the Prime Minister especially in his second term.
Singh visited Bhutan in 2008 and 2010, Bangladesh and the Maldives in 2011, Myanmar in 2012, China in 2008, 2010 and 2011, Sri Lanka in 2008 and Afghanistan in 2005 and 2011.
The Prime Minister is also expected to travel to Myanmar early in March for a summit meeting of the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (Bimstec), a grouping of India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Thailand, Bhutan and Nepal.
Repeatedly invited by Pakistan to visit the village where he was born, Gah, Singh had privately told officials on multiple occasions that he would like to make that trip. But repeated tensions between India and Pakistan stymied every attempt.
“I still have not given up hope of going to Pakistan before I complete my tenure as Prime Minister,” Singh told reporters in early January, just months before the general elections, when traditional political wisdom advises caution on nationally sensitive subjects like Pakistan.
But officials said a trip to Pakistan in the next two months is now almost impossible. The two nations are locked in a trade dispute, with India arguing that Pakistan has reneged on a commitment to liberalise trade at the Wagah border.
Only a dramatic push by Pakistan in the trial of key accused in the November 2008 Mumbai terror attacks could catalyse even serious diplomatic talks of a visit by Singh now, officials said. A trip to Nepal needs just a day’s window in the Prime Minister’s schedule.

Thursday 20 February 2014

परम्परागत शैलीले सुल्झिँदैन सुरक्षा चुनौति

-प्रधानसेनापति गौरब शमशेर राणा-

 समयसापेक्ष सुरक्षा चूनौतिहरुलाई सामना गर्न परम्परागत शैलीले मात्र नपुग्ने हुँदा नियन्त्रण र सुपरिबेक्षणमा मात्र सिमित नरही एउटा व्यवहारिक, गतिशिल र प्रभावकारी सुरक्षा संयन्त्रको परिकल्पनालाई साकार पार्न सबै क्षेत्रबाट सहयोग हुनुपर्छ ।


णनैतिक स्थिती निरन्तर एक प्रवाहबाट गुज्रिरहेको हुन्छ तसर्थः आजका दिनमा जातीय, धार्मिक, पृथकताबादी, विद्रोह, आमहड्ताल र आतंकबाद जस्ता कुराहरुले सुरक्षा खतराहरुलाई दिनानुदिन चूनौतिपूर्ण बनाउदै लगेका छन् । जसका कारणले वातावरणको क्षयिकरण, अनियन्त्रित बसाईसराई, शरणार्थी समस्या एवं विपद्हरुलाई निम्त्याईरहेको हुन्छ । यिनै विश्वव्यापी सुरक्षा सरोकारहरु जस्तै समस्याहरुबाट नेपाल पनि गुज्रिरहेको छ । ति कुराहरु तर्फ सजग रही राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षालाई मजबुत बनाउनेतर्फ सबैको ध्यान जानु जरुरी छ । 

राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षा संयन्त्रको दृष्टिकोणले नेपाली सेना एक प्रमुख सुरक्षा संयन्त्र हो । तसर्थः यसले हरदम राष्ट्रिय चूनौतिसंग सामना गर्नको लागि तयारी हालतमा रहनुपर्दछ । समयसापेक्ष सुरक्षा चूनौतिहरुलाई सामना गर्न परम्परागत शैलीले मात्र नपुग्ने हुँदा नियन्त्रण र सुपरिबेक्षणमा मात्र सिमित नरही एउटा व्यवहारिक, गतिशिल र प्रभावकारी सुरक्षा संयन्त्रको परिकल्पनालाई साकार पार्न सबै क्षेत्रबाट सहयोग हुनुपर्छ । 

सैनिक कारवाहीको तयारी, आधुनिकिकरण र सांगठनिक पुनःढाचाहरु जस्ता कुराहरुलाई समय सापेक्ष रुपमा समेट्दै राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षा रणनीतिमा द्विविधा नहुने गरी राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षा नीतिको व्याख्या पूर्ण संविधान प्राप्त भएपछि मात्र सम्भव हुने 
नेपाली सेनाले  विभिन्न श्रोत र साधनको कमीको बावजुद राज्यको एक भरपर्दो सुरक्षा संयन्त्रको हैसियतले यसलाई प्राप्त जिम्मेवारी विश्वसनीय र भरपर्दो तरिकाले सम्पादन गर्दै आएको कुरा जगजाहेर नै छ । 
शान्ति प्रक्रियालाई तार्किक निष्कर्षमा पु¥याउन गैह्र राजनैतिक छवीको यस संस्थाले पूर्व लडाकुहरुलाई नेपाली सेनामा समायोजन गरी महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निर्वाह गरेको छ । दोस्रो संविधानसभा निर्वाचनमा राज्यबाट प्राप्त जिम्मेवारीलाई निष्पक्ष र कुशलतापूर्वक सम्पन्न गरी नयाँ संविधान बनाउने उपयुक्त वातावरण श्रृजना गर्न महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निर्वाह गर्नुका साथै राष्ट्रको विकास, पर्यावरणीय सुरक्षा र विपद् व्यवस्थापनमा सरकारी संयन्त्रलाई सहयोग गर्न कुनै कसर बांकी राखेको छैन । 
अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय माग बमोजिम विश्व शान्तिको खातिर आप्mनो क्षमता र काम गर्ने शैलीलाई परिमार्जन र उत्कृष्ट बनाउँदै शान्ति सेनामा प्राप्त बहुआयामिक जिम्मेवारीहरु उच्च स्तरमा सम्पादन गर्दै आईरहेको छ । यिनै परिवर्तित विभिन्न जिम्मेवारी वहन गर्न सक्ने सबै तहका सैनिक अधिकृतहरुको क्षमता र तीनको दक्षतालाई हेरी बृत्ति विकास र पदोन्नतीमा प्राथमिकता दिदै उच्च मनोवल र नैतिक शाहस भएको सैनिक नेतृत्वको विकास गर्न जोड दिईएको छ ।  यिनै पेशागत गुण, क्षमता, मुल्य र चरित्र विकास गर्न सैनिक कमाण्ड तथा स्टाफ कलेजले मध्यमस्तरिय अधिकृतहरुलाई यस तालिम संचालन गरी नेपाली सेनाको समग्र क्षमता अभिबृद्धि गर्न विशेष योगदान पु¥याएको छ । 
(शिवपुरीस्थित सैनिक कमाण्ड तथा स्टाफ कलेजमा फागुन ८ गते आयोजित कार्यक्रममा व्यक्त धारणाको सम्पादित अंश)

Monday 17 February 2014

INTERVIEW : Foreign policy must have economic diplomacy at its core

We must avoid and abhor playing so called India or China cards in a futile attempts to extract leverage with our neighbors.

Dr. Rishi Adhikari
  • Uninterrupted socio-economic progress of the people through economic diplomacy is at the core of foreign relations.
  • Mobilization of its natural and other resources such as water, mountains including Mt Everest, birth place of Lord Buddha among others are at the center of Nepal’s foreign policy these days.
  • The basic tenets of foreign policy of an economically weak and least developed country (LDC) like Nepal does not vary much and will be more or less same with all the countries.....................
The traditional notion of foreign relations and policy has changed remarkably. The diplomatic relations of the country is not limited to the national sovereignty, territorial integrity and nationality. In the present day, it has buckled-up with the economic, security, social, environment, and other interests of the countries. Therefore, the issues such as economic benefits and security come on the front while talking about diplomatic relations of any countries. The governments have also started setting up separate wings at their embassies to look after these issues.
In this backdrop, Yogesh Pokharel of The Rising Nepal caught up with Dr. Rishi Adhikari, Executive Director of the Institute of Foreign Affairs (IFA) and former Ambassador to Malaysia, to talk about the present day meaning of diplomacy, initiatives of the Government of Nepal, role of IFA, its future activities among others.
The traditional meaning of foreign relations has witnessed a paradigm shift in the recent years. How do you define the present day diplomacy?
At present, the meaning of foreign relations is Nepal’s commitment to internationalism, independence of judgment in the conduct of external relations, and contributions to the maintenance of international peace and security. Nepal is determined to work with its neighbours in the region as well as major powers in the world to defeat the scourge of violent extremism that has taken root there.
Traditionally foreign relations dwelt mainly with political relations and protection and promotion of the core national interests i.e. Nepal's independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. Now, uninterrupted socio-economic progress of the people is at the core of the foreign relations through economic diplomacy. It has been realized that the conduct of foreign relations is at its best when a country is economically strong with favorable external environment for the pursuit of collective prosperity and the individual welfare of all the Nepalese people. Mobilization of its natural and other resources such as water, mountains including Mt Everest, birth place of Lord Buddha among others are at the center of Nepal’s foreign policy these days.
Do you feel that the government has made its diplomatic relations in line with the present day needs?
Yes, Nepal government especially the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) has realized the importance of changing regional and international interrelations and the internal factors affecting these relationships.
Nepal’s foreign policy in the 21st century will remain rooted in the core values, but it will continuously adapt to the changing external circumstances and the shifting domestic needs. Our vision seeks political stability, economic modernization and regional integration. A stable and secure Asia, Indian Ocean and the Pacific Region is the key of Nepal’s own security and prosperity in the 21st century.
As an advisor to the government and academic institution, don’t you think IFA should play the role of making the diplomacy in line with the present day need?
Yes, IFA realizes that it must play the role of Think Tank on matters of foreign relations by researching on the myriad issues emanating and ever changing within the country, in the region, and internationally. IFA also very seriously suggests that MoFA must review all the documents and proposals from IFA and realize and support the role and potentials of IFA so that it can function more efficiently to a higher level and in turn be in a position to more effectively support MoFA.
What is IFA doing in this regards?
IFA dwells on the most important issues in the relevant field and conducts research, organizes seminars, interactions, talk programmes in the participation of the planners and decision makers from the relevant government, non-government, bi- and multi-lateral, and diplomatic corporations. Our main objective remains to expose and prepare MoFA and other relevant officials in these endeavors so that they remain abreast with the relevant current issues. We publish all the proceedings and share with all relevant organizations in country and internationally. IFA also organizes training and orientation sessions for different officers including ambassadors designated and non-officers to prepare them for the best possible conduct of foreign policy, diplomacy and etiquettes.
What are your plans?
IFA would continue following up with MoFA and Ministry of Finance on all the proposals that were submitted with a view towards strengthening and expanding IFA for its better performance and delivery as world class organization. It will continue to conduct seminars and interactions on relevant topics and publish and share with all the concerned stakeholders for raising awareness. We have conducted more than dozen such programmes and published six books in the past two years and some more are in the pipe lines. It has plans to extend relationships with similar organizations in South Asian Association on Regional Cooperation (SAARC) member and observer countries. IFA also plans to have more effective coordination with MoFA and other relevant organizations for better delivery.
In our context, how do you think Nepal should develop its foreign policy in the present day to take maximum benefits?
Nepal must realize that foreign policies and relations are the extension of the domestic relations and policies. To begin with I must say that we have to keep our house in order. We must exit successfully from this domestic turmoil and never ending so called ‘Transition Phase’. Nepalese planners and decision makers must realize that our foreign policy must have economic diplomacy at its core. We have our own unique resources in regards such as tourism with scenic beauties, water, agriculture, Lord Buddha’s birth place and the majestic mountains including Mt. Everest. No other countries have these. So, we should converge as a nation to harness these to the maximum our friendly countries and especially with the two neighborly economic giants to augment our national development endeavors. Only the rich and prosperous countries can have better diplomacy and say in the world arena and contribute to world peace.
Will foreign policy of Nepal be different with its immediate neighbours and other countries in the world?
The basic tenets of foreign policy of an economically weak and least developed country (LDC) like Nepal does not vary much and will be more or less same with all the countries. However, Nepal being open to India in three sides and with China on one side has a unique geo-physiographic and political position. It has to have more engaging foreign policy with its neighbors especially these being the upcoming world powers and economic giants. We have had excellent relations with both the countries in the past and we should continue maintaining and strengthening these close relations. We must avoid and abhor playing so called India or China cards in a futile attempts to extract leverage with our neighbors.
 Uninterrupted socio-economic progress of the people through economic diplomacy is at the core of foreign relations.Mobilization of its natural and other resources such as water, mountains including Mt Everest, birth place of Lord Buddha among others are at the center of Nepal’s foreign policy these days.The basic tenets of foreign policy of an economically weak and least developed country (LDC) like Nepal does not vary much and will be more or less same with all the countries.
The Rising Nepal

Thursday 13 February 2014

संयोग : जनयुद्ध थालेकै दिन पूर्व डिभिजन कमाण्डरले लाए फूल कर्नेलको फूली

 'भो, अब बिगतका कुरा नगरौं' 

फागुन १ गते जनयुद्ध शुरु भयो । यो अबसरमा  पूर्व सहयोद्धाहरुले जनयुद्धको बर्षगाँठ मनाइरहँदा पूर्व डिभिजन कमाण्डर अधिकारीले जंगी अड्डा भद्रकालीमा प्रधानसेनापति गौरब शमशेर जबराको हातबाट ‘फूल कर्नेल’ को फूली लगाइरहेका थिए । .......................................................................

अधिकारीले बीबीसी नेपाली सेवाका लागि रमा पराजुलीलाई दिएको अन्तर्वार्तामा विगतमा भएका सबै आन्दोलनको उपलब्धी हासिल भएको र अब जनताले बिकास चाहेको बताएका छन् ।
Colonel Adhikari ( Right). Photo: Nepal Army
नेपाल डोर अनलाइन 
काठमाडौं । माघ २३ गते मन्त्रीपरिषदले प्रमुख सेनानीबाट महासेनानी (फूल कर्नेल)मा बढुवा गरेका पूर्व माओवादी लडाकुका कमाण्डर यमबहादुर अधिकारीलाई फागुन १ गते दज्र्यानी चिन्ह लगाइएको छ । एमाओवादीले जनयुद्ध थालेकै दिन पूर्व डिभिजन कमाण्डर अधिकारीले फूल कर्नेलको फूली लगाउने ‘सौभाग्य’ पाएका छन् । फागुन १ गते अर्थात् बिहीवार अधिकारीका सहयोद्धाहरुले भने जनयुद्ध मनाएका छन् । जनयुद्ध शुरु भएकै दिन फूल कर्नेलको फूली लगाएका अधिकारी यस्ता पूर्व कमाण्डर हुन् जसले युद्धकालमा कृष्णभीर धादिङमा नेपाली सेनासँग आमनेसामने युद्धको नेतृत्व गरेका थिए । सेनाले अधिकारीलाई नवगठित राष्ट्रिय विकास तथा सुरक्षा महानिर्देशनालयमा पदस्थापन गरेको छ ।  
महासेनानी अधिकारीले बीबीसी नेपाली सेवाका लागि रमा पराजुलीलाई दिएको अन्तर्वार्तामा विगतमा भएका सबै आन्दोलनको उपलब्धी हासिल भएको र अब जनताले बिकास चाहेको बताएका छन् । उनले बिगत र वर्तमानमा आफूले फौजी जीवन व्यतित गरेको र अहिलेको उपलब्धी सही रहेको पनि उल्लेख गरे । सबै व्यक्ति सेनामा प्रवेश गर्न नसक्ने भन्दै सकारात्मक शोच बोकेर देशको विकास निर्माणमा लाग्न सबै युवालाई आग्रह पनि गरे । 

Wednesday 12 February 2014

चिनियाँ प्रधानमन्त्रीले पठाए यस्तो सन्देश

'China will continue as always to support Nepal to safeguard its national independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, and will continue to provide sincere assistance to Nepal's social and economic development.'

Li Keqiang


नेपालडोर अनलाइन

काठमाडौं । दक्षिण छिमेकी भारतका प्रधानमन्त्री मनमोहन सिंहले बधाई सन्देश पठाएको भोलिपल्ट उत्तरको छिमेकी चीनले पनि प्रधानमन्त्री सुशील कोइरालालाई बधाई सन्देश पठाएको छ । चिनियाँ प्रधानमन्त्री ली कछियाङले सदाझैँ चीनले नेपालको स्वतन्त्रता, सार्वभौमिकता र भौगोलिक अखण्डताका पक्षमा समर्थन गरिरहने तथा आर्थिक विकासका लागि भविश्यमा सहयोग गर्ने बचन दिएका छन् । चीनले कोइरालाको शपथग्रहणपछि मात्रै औपचारिक बधाई दिएको छ, भारतले निर्वाचनलगत्तै प्रधानमन्त्री कोइरालालाई बधाई दिइसकेको छ ।

Press Release From Chinese Embassy in Nepal


The Chinese government attaches great importance to China-Nepal relations. On February 11, 2014, when Rt. Hon. Mr. Sushil Koirala assumed the office of the Prime Minister of Nepal, H.E. Mr. Li Keqiang, Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, expresses his warm congratulations and best wishes to Rt. Hon. Mr. Sushil Koirala.
 Premier Li says that China and Nepal are traditional friendly neighbors linked by mountains and rivers, and sharing similar cultures. In recent years, with the joint efforts of both sides, our bilateral exchanges and cooperation in various fields have made satisfactory progress. China appreciates that Nepal firmly adheres to One China Policy, and firmly supports China's position on the Tibet and Taiwan-related issues involving China's core interests. China will continue as always to support Nepal to safeguard its national independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, and will continue to provide sincere assistance to Nepal's social and economic development.

I look forward to working together and cooperate with you to promote China-Nepal Comprehensive Partnership of Cooperation featuring Ever-lasting Friendship ever growing to a new height.

Tuesday 11 February 2014

रे कोइराला निवासमा , मनमोहन सिंहको बधाई

 'India attaches the highest importance to its relations with Nepal. As close neighbours with a unique relationship and deep links across all walks of life, our fortunes are closely intertwined. We in India, therefore, not only share the aspirations of the people of Nepal for stability, democracy and prosperity, but also remain steadfast in our support to the Government and people of Nepal in their endeavours to pursue that goal. '

-नेपाल डोर अनलाइन -
काठमाडौं, । प्रधानमन्त्री पदमा निर्वाचित भएकै दिन सोमवार (माघ २७) गते साँझ नेपालका लागि भारतीय राजदूत रञ्जित रेले सुशील कोइरालासँग लामो कुराकानी गरेका छन् । कांग्रेस पार्टी पदाधिकारी वैठक सकिएलगत्तै महाराजगञ्जस्थित कोइराला निवासमा पुगेका रेले भारतीय प्रधानमन्त्री डा मनमोहन सिंहका तर्फबाट बधाई दिएका छन्, सफल कार्यकालका लागि शुभकामना दिएका छन् ।

    Prime Minister congratulates  

Prime Minister Sushil Koirala of Nepal

    February 10, 2014

    Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh has congratulated Prime Minister Sushil Koirala of Nepal on his election. Dr. Mamohan Singh in his message said Mr. Koirala's election as Prime Minister represented an important milestone in consolidating the democratic gains in political transition in Nepal.
    The excerpts of the Prime Minister's congratulatory message is are follows :
    "On behalf of the Government and people of India, please accept my warm felicitations on your election to the high office of Prime Minister of Nepal. Your election represents one more important milestone in consolidating and institutionalising recent democratic gains in the course of the political transition in Nepal.
    I am confident that your wise leadership and guidance will further strengthen stability and economic development in Nepal, and foster a climate for promulgation of a new Constitution on the basis of the widest possible consensus and reflecting the will of all sections of the people of your nation.
    India attaches the highest importance to its relations with Nepal. As close neighbours with a unique relationship and deep links across all walks of life, our fortunes are closely intertwined. We in India, therefore, not only share the aspirations of the people of Nepal for stability, democracy and prosperity, but also remain steadfast in our support to the Government and people of Nepal in their endeavours to pursue that goal. We will therefore continue to seek further deepening of this partnership between our two countries for the benefit of our people and our region.
    As you enter the high office at a critical juncture in your nation's history, I convey my best wishes for your success, your personal health and well being and peace and prosperity for the people of Nepal.
    I also take this opportunity to extend a warm and cordial invitation to you to visit India at your convenience."
    New Delhi
    February 10, 2014

भारतले सहज नठानेको भनिएका कोइरालालाई भारतीय राजदूतले शपथ खानुअघि नै भेटेर सद्भाव प्रकट गरेका छन् । भारतले  हरेक नवनिर्वाचित नेपाली प्रधानमन्त्रीहरुलाई तुरुत्नै फोनमा वा अरु माध्यमबाट शुभकामना र सद्भाव दिँदै आएको छ । भारत विरोधी छवि जबर्जस्ती बनाइएका कोइरालालाई भारतीय राजदूतले नै भेट्नुलाई अर्थपूर्ण मानिएको छ ।
सद्भाव व्यक्त गर्ने चलन भारतले पहिलेदेखि नै चलाएको हो । पूर्व, पश्चिम र दक्षिणतिरबाट घेरिएको भारतले नेपालमा हरेक राजनीतिक परिवर्तनमा सहयोग सदभाव दिँदै आएको छ । कोइरालालाई त्यति सहज नमानेका भारतीयहरुले प्रधानमन्त्रीमा निर्वाचित भएपछि महत्व दिनु स्वभाविकै हो ।
व्यवस्थापिका संसदमा सुशील कोइरालाले नेपालको विकास र आर्थिक सम्बृद्धिका लागि छिमेकी भारत र चीनसँग सम्बन्ध थप सुमधुर पार्नुपर्ने धारणा राखे । लिखित सम्बोधनमा छिमेक सम्बन्ध दुईस्थानमा उल्लेख गरेर कोइरालाले ती वाहेकका मुलुकको सदासयतालाई पनि स्थान दिए । कोइरालाले कुटनीतिक सन्तुलन मिलाएर अघि बढ्ने शोच राखेका छन् ।
नेपालको राजनीति फेरि पनि असफल हुने मुद्दा भनेको संघीयता हो । यसको निरुपण नेपालका दलहरुको आन्तरिक प्रयासबाट सम्भव छैन । छिमेकी भारत र चीनले नेपालको स्थायित्व र उनीहरुको शब्दमा वैधानिक सुरक्षा चासोसँग जोडेर संघीयतालाई हेरेका छन् ।

इन्डियन एक्सप्रेसको सम्पादकीय

 भारतको चर्चित पत्रिका द इन्डियन एक्सप्रेसले प्रधानमन्त्री निर्वाचनका बिषयलाई लिएर नेपालमाथि सम्पादकीय लेखेको छ । पत्रिकाको सम्पादकीयको पूर्णविवरण यस्तो छ :

Editorial, The Indian express

A PM for Nepal

February 11, 2014 3:57 am

Koirala’s election ends weeks of confusion. He must focus on restoring stability, delivering the constitution.
The election of Sushil Koirala as the prime minister of Nepal on Monday ended nearly three months of political confusion and tension in the Himalayan republic.
The inability of the major political parties to form a government, after the successful polls on November 19, 2013, to elect a new Constituent Assembly (CA), was preceded by the long wait for the House to convene. The six-point agreement between the Nepali Congress (NC) and the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML) to end the deadlock has prevented Nepal’s slide into fresh political turmoil.
With the support of the UML, Koirala will enjoy a simple majority and it is now his responsibility to promulgate the new constitution within a year.
Between the election to the last CA in April 2008 and now, Nepal has had six prime ministers — from three parties and the chief justice. The November 19 polls were held in a constitutional vacuum. The NC and UML deserve credit for steering the political process over the immediate hurdles following the election, chief among which were the Unified Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist’s (UCPN-M) initial rejection of the results that handed it a major defeat and then its refusal to join the new CA.
Thanks to the NC and UML leaderships taking ownership of the situation, that crisis was resolved and a deal struck to make the Maoists climb down from their maximalist position.
With a new prime minister in office, efforts must be renewed to arrest Nepal’s political slide. But the task before Koirala is enormous. His party would do well to talk to the UCPN-M and smaller parties to bring them into government. Nepal’s scars — of the decade-long insurgency and misgovernance since 2008 — will take a long time to heal. Building consensus on important matters, such as constitution-writing, as the coalition has agreed to do, might be the safest path.
In fact, Koirala could extend the invite to the breakaway Communist Party of Nepal (CPN-M), which had boycotted the polls and threatened violence. Having earlier helped bring Maoists into the mainstream, India should encourage the new government to restore stability.

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